Leon Trotsky - Wikipedia
of the struggle that took place between Joseph Stalin and Leon Trotsky that the economic domain, and especially in the domain of internal Party, relations.". Leon Trotsky always had something to say, not only about the revolution. obliged to place the soldiers between the possible death in the front and the And what do you think about Joseph Stalin who drove you away from. Leon Trotsky, a leader of the Bolshevik revolution and early architect of the Soviet state, is deported by Soviet leader Joseph Stalin to Alma-Ata in remote Soviet Central Asia. He lived there in internal exile for a year before being banished from the USSR forever by Stalin.
Like almost all other Bolsheviks, he became identified with the movement for reunification with the Mensheviks. When Lenin arrived and sharply castigated such tendencies to compromise, Stalin was as dumfounded as anyone else, but he took his scolding without protest. He owed his position in the Party to the fact that he worked hard and did not argue with his comrades, especially Lenin.
Trotsky Trotsky, like Stalin, was born in His real name was Lev Davidovich Bronstein. His father was a well-to-do Jewish farmer in the Ukrainian province of Kherson. He attended school in Odessa, developing an early brilliance and bookishness.
He reports his observation of the composition of his class: In his teens he went to Nikolaev, met a number of populists, became enamored of a girl in the group, and accepted the populist doctrine.
Soon, however, he became converted to Marxism, engaged in revolutionary activity, and for it spent his eighteenth birthday in jail. He was exiled to Siberia but soon escaped and arrived in London in to join Lenin. In Western Europe he met another young lady. The girl from Nikolaev was known as Mrs.
Bronstein, the Parisian as Mrs. Trotsky, and neither seemed to complain. After the II Congress in Trotsky was for a time associated with the Mensheviks, but in he developed an independent doctrinal line and between revolutions belonged to neither the Bolshevik nor the Menshevik wing. In he won renown for his brief chairmanship of the St. Petersburg Soviet of Workers' Deputies.
During the next few years he tried to reunite the Party and for that reason refrained form trying to build a faction of his own. None of the other groups found this pose to its taste. During the years just before World War I Trotsky's anti-factionalist stand became in effect an anti-Leninist one.
After the war began he went to New York, and it was from there that he traveled to Russia in the spring of During the summer he joined the Bolshevik Party, although he clearly implied that his only reason for doing so was that the party had belatedly adopted the analysis and tactical line which he had espoused all along. His ability and his logic did not always endear him to his comrades, but his oratorical and practical gifts did win him broad popularity among the urban workers and soldiers in late and during the Civil War.
As war commissar he clashed with Stalin, who ensconced himself at Tsaritsyn with some of his old friends from Caucasus days and flouted Trotsky's authority. However, Stalin was as yet no adversary in the field of theory and policy, which Trotsky considered fundamental. As the triumvirate took form, Trotsky was plainly the most important figure outside it. But no one regarded Stalin as the most eminent of the three.
Zinoviev, especially, had an international prestige which Stalin lacked, while both Kamenev and he were regarded as theorists in a way Stalin was not--and a Communist leader had to be a theorist. As the struggle developed between Trotsky and the triumvirs, Stalin counted less on his own influence than on Trotsky's vulnerability.
He did not at first try to turn the struggle into a personal contest. An eye witness has told the story of how Zinoviev and Kamenev would snub Trotsky in Politburo meetings, while Stalin would greet him warmly II. Trotsky Against the Triumvirate On the eve of Lenin's death, the Thirteenth Party Conference published, on Stalin's motion, the decision empowering the Central Committee to expel Party members for factionalism.
At the moment the leader died a new sanctity enveloped his every word and deed, including this decision, in which Lenin had taken part. Simultaneously the triumvirs decreed a new recruiting campaign, nominally with a view to strengthening the actual worker element in Party ranks. Actually Stalin, as general secretary, was able to bolster his own influence by guiding the Party machinery in selecting new members.
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In a few short weeks nearly a quarter of a million men and women were admitted in the new "Lenin enrollment. Zinoviev openly attacked Trotsky and demanded that he retract his "errors. Trotsky replied to Zinoviev with a cri de coeur which went to the root of his whole position, morally requiring him to sit passive in the face of doom: The party in the last analysis is always right because the party is the single historic instrument given to the proletariat for the solution of its fundamental problems.
I have already said that in front of one's own party nothing could be easier than to say: I, however, comrades, cannot say that, because I do not think it. I know that one must not be right against the party. One can be right only with the party, and through the party, for history has created no other road for the realization of what is right.
The Congress was unmoved. It promptly took steps to discipline the Russian Troskyites, as well as dissidents in the other parties of the Comintern. In the autumn of Trotsky published The Lessons of October, in which he distinguished between objectively revolutionary situations and subjective failures of revolutionary leaders in such situations.
As illustrations oft he latter, he cited Zinoviev's and Kamenev's opposition to Lenin's decision to launch an armed uprising in the fall of thus reopening an extremely ugly wound--and he also implied that Zinoviev was largely responsible for the failure of the German Communist revolt of Trotsky restated his old theory of "permanent revolution," with its emphasis on the world leadership of the proletariat and its implicit challenge to the Leninist position on the role of the poor peasantry in building socialism.
Trotsky had made a tactical error. By his emphasis on "October" he opened the way for Zinoviev and Kamenev to retaliate by reminding the Party again of Trotsky's sharp disagreements with Lenin prior to Stalin's caution had reaped its reward.
Since he was not directly drawn into this controversy, he was in a position to make public statements in November which in effect forgave Zinoviev and Kamenev for their earlier mistakes--he even acknowledged some of his own--but forcefully recalled to his hearers the fact that Trotsky was, after all, a newcomer in Party ranks. He set forth a theoretical position of his own from which he could challenge Trotsky. A few months later, in Problems of Leninism, he advanced his theory of "Socialism in one country.
If the Russian Communists were not to be indefinitely bogged down in the NEP state, they must push on to socialism, even if the world revolution was still further delayed. Authority for such an effort could be found in Lenin. Like Lenin, Trotsky believed the building of socialism could begin in Russia alone. But what Stalin did was to assert that it could be completed with success and to furnish reasons for his contention.
Russia was an enormous country, rich in natural resources. Provided that "capitalist" intervention was not renewed, the Russian proletariat, drawing on Russia's great potential wealth and protected by its vast spaces, could accomplish the task. For a time, however, the theory of "socialism in one country" was overshadowed by the acrimonious personal struggle between Trotsky and the two most prominent triumvirs.
In January the Central Committee removed Trotsky from the War Commissariat, even though he remained in uneasy possession of a seat on the Politburo.
This was the decisive blow. Although he was still not completely crushed, Trotsky receded to the background. If he had been another kind of man, he might have tried to use the Red Army against his adversaries, but his loyalty to the Party was paramount, and he accepted his deposition without trying to resist.
Although Trotsky was defeated, Zinoviev and Kamenev soon discovered that the victory was not theirs. In March the Fourteenth Conference of the Party accepted Stalin's theory of "socialism in one country," while Zinoviev and Kamenev paid little attention. Soon afterward Stalin was able to break up the triumvirate quietly. Too late Zinoviev and Kamenev attacked Stalin's new theory. By the middle of he had found new allies in Bukharin, Rykov, and Tomsky, who accepted "socialism in one country.
Tomsky was the leader of the Soviet trade-unions. Bukharin, the "Left" Communist ofwas now, like Rykov and Tomsky, on the "right" and the leader of those who felt that the NEP was a success, and while indeed socialism might be built in Russia, the ground was secure and there was no great need for haste.
Zinoviev and Kamenev, on the contrary, were profoundly uneasy about the continuation of the NEP, but they had been abruptly thrust into the minority. In the autumn of Zinoviev published his Leninism, attacking NEP as a policy of "continuous retreat," and demanded a renewal of the "policy of " directed against the kulak. Zinoviev managed to use his position in Leningrad to rally the powerful Party organization there to is support, in opposition to the new Politburo majority.
Zinoviev and Kamenev tardily recognized Stalin as the man from whom they had most to fear and carefully prepared an attack on him for the XIV Party Congress, to be held in December However, the plan completely miscarried. Kamenev, who spoke most sharply in criticism of Stalin at the Congress, was punished by demotion from full member to candidate member of the Politburo. As reconstituted just after the Congress, the Politburo had three new full members: Molotov, Voroshilov, and Kalinin, all loyal henchmen of Stalin's.
Stalin also added several supporters to the list of candidate members of the Politburo and to the newly enlarged Central Committee. Shortly before, Voroshilov had replaced Michael Frunze, who had been named Trotsky's successor but had died soon afterward, as war commissar. In the section of articles and notes on the events of the day, he will not only be very useful, but absolutely necessary. Unquestionably a man of rare abilities, he has conviction and energy, and he will go much farther.
Because of Plekhanov's opposition, Trotsky did not become a full member of the board. But from then on he participated in its meetings in an advisory capacity, which earned him Plekhanov's enmity. In lateTrotsky met Natalia Sedovawho soon became his companion. They married in and she was with him until his death. They had two children together, Lev Sedov 24 February — 16 February and Sergei Sedov 21 March — 29 Octoberboth of whom would predecease their parents.
Regarding his sons' surnames, Trotsky later explained that after the revolution: Trotsky never used the name "Sedov" either privately or publicly. Natalia Sedova sometimes signed her name "Sedova-Trotskaya".
Split with Lenin — [ edit ] In the meantime, after a period of secret police repression and internal confusion that followed the First Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party inIskra succeeded in convening the party's Second Congress in London in August Trotsky and other Iskra editors attended.
The first congress went as planned, with Iskra supporters handily defeating the few "economist" delegates.
Then the congress discussed the position of the Jewish Bundwhich had co-founded the RSDLP in but wanted to remain autonomous within the party. Lenin and his supporters, the Bolsheviks, argued for a smaller but highly organized party, while Martov and his supporters, the Mensheviksargued for a larger and less disciplined party.
In a surprise development, Trotsky and most of the Iskra editors supported Martov and the Mensheviks, while Plekhanov supported Lenin and the Bolsheviks. During andmany members changed sides in the factions. Plekhanov soon parted ways with the Bolsheviks.
Trotsky left the Mensheviks in September over their insistence on an alliance with Russian liberals and their opposition to a reconciliation with Lenin and the Bolsheviks. He worked between and trying to reconcile different groups within the party, which resulted in many clashes with Lenin and other prominent party members. Trotsky later maintained that he had been wrong in opposing Lenin on the issue of the party.
Stalin banishes Trotsky
During these years, Trotsky began developing his theory of permanent revolutionand developed a close working relationship with Alexander Parvus in — This single strike grew into a general strike and by 7 Januarythere werestrikers in Saint Petersburg.
The Palace Guard fired on the peaceful demonstration, resulting in the deaths of some 1, demonstrators. Sunday, 9 Januarybecame known as Bloody Sunday. There he worked with both Bolsheviks, such as Central Committee member Leonid Krasinand the local Menshevik committee, which he pushed in a more radical direction.
The latter, however, were betrayed by a secret police agent in May, and Trotsky had to flee to rural Finland.
There he worked on fleshing out his theory of permanent revolution. By the evening of 24 September, the workers at 50 other printing shops in Moscow were also on strike. On 2 Octoberthe typesetters in printing shops in Saint Petersburg decided to strike in support of the Moscow strikers.
On 7 Octoberthe railway workers of the Moscow—Kazan Railway went out on strike. Trotsky also co-founded, together with Parvus and Julius Martov and other Mensheviks, Nachalo "The Beginning"which also proved to be a very successful newspaper in the revolutionary atmosphere of Saint Petersburg in Khrustalyev-Nosar had been a compromise figure when elected as the head of the Saint Petersburg Soviet.
Khrustalev-Nosar was a lawyer that stood above the political factions contained in the Soviet. Khrustalev-Nosar became famous in his position as spokesman for the Saint Petersburg Soviet. He did much of the actual work at the Soviet and, after Khrustalev-Nosar's arrest on 26 Novemberwas elected its chairman. On 2 December, the Soviet issued a proclamation which included the following statement about the Tsarist government and its foreign debts: We have therefore decided not to allow the repayment of such loans as have been made by the Tsarist government when openly engaged in a war with the entire people.
The following day, the Soviet was surrounded by troops loyal to the government and the deputies were arrested. On 4 October he was convicted and sentenced to internal exile to Siberia.
In October, he moved to ViennaAustria-Hungary. For the next seven years, he often took part in the activities of the Austrian Social Democratic Party and, occasionally, of the German Social Democratic Party. It was smuggled into Russia. Both the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks split multiple times after the failure of the — revolution. Money was very scarce for publication of Pravda.