Lenin and Stalin as Mass Leaders
Ulyanova sought to delve more deeply into the connection between the last letter of Lenin which demands an apology from Stalin for his behaviour with. The meeting of Joseph Stalin with V.I. Lenin in December at the Tammerfors Party Conference has usually been described as the first. Lenin and Trotsky had more of a personal and theoretical relationship, while Lenin and Stalin had more of a.
To this brief list may be added three Trotsky biographies: Biographies of Trotsky are beginning to be published in Eastern Europe. In the Soviet Union a small biographical brochure on Trotsky has been written by the historian V. Startscv, and Hungarian historian Miklos Kun is currently working on a Trotsky biography. In recent years the following Trotsky works have been published in the original Russian, edited by the author of this article: Chalidzc Publications, ; Stalin, 2 vols Benson, Vermont: Trolskogo, 4 vols Benson, Vermont: Chalidze, ; P.
Chalidzc publications, in preparation. On the seventy-third day of Soviet power in Pctrograd, Lenin solemnly declared to Arthur Ransome, a British correspondent for the Manchester Guardian, that the fundamental goal of the Russian revolution had already been achieved: When Trotsky asked Lenin in what would happen if the Germans attacked and took Moscow, Lenin answered: We will form a Ural-Kuznctskii republic, supported by coal-based industry and Kuznetsk coal, and that portion of the Moscow and Petrograd workers that we could bring with us.
If necessary, we will go even farther to the east, beyond the Urals. We will go all the way to Kamchatka, but we will hold out. In the article "Uroki Oktiabria," published as an introduction to the first part of Trotsky's book, Moscow,and re-published in the book, Ob "Urokakh Oktiabria" Leningrad: In Trotsky's opinion, however, "the plan could not be carried out in the name of the Pctrograd Soviet, since the organization of the Soviet, which had not yet been bolshcvizcd, as it should have been, was not conducive to this: Trotsky was not the only one to remark on the adventuristic character of Lenin's appeal.
Nogin stated that this was a call "to a repetition of the July  events," i. On the whole, the Central Committee of the party rejected Lenin's proposal ibid: The former were destroyed by Lenin as a competing party on July ; the latter, who were members of his own organization the Bolshevik Partyhe did not subject to rcpressioas; the incident with the Left Communists was consigned to oblivion.
Only one Left Communist was persecuted for a short time: Dzerzhinskii, head of the VChK, was suspended from work, but only because his participation in the assassination of the German Ambassador, Count Wilhclm von Mirbach, was obvious to Lenin. But since the murder itself, and the fact that it was committed by a Left SR, la. Blumkin, were quite advantageous to Lenin, Dzerzhinskii was soon reinstated in his former position, and Blumkin was accepted into the RKP b and returned to his work in Dzerzhiaskii's agency, where he made a brilliant career for himself in counter intelligence until his execution in November for his tics with Trotsky.
For more detailed discussion of this affair, sec Iu. Toward a single-party dictatorship" Ph.
In this sense, the murders of Karl Licbknccht and Rosa Luxemburg on 15 January were quite advantageous for Lenin. While there is no evidence to suggest that Lenin had anything to do with their deaths, it is possible that another prominent Bolshevik leader, Karl Radek, was involved in the murders.
The initial preparations for the attempt on the lives of Licbkncchl and Luxemburg were apparently made in the first half of December In Anton Fischer, the deputy military commandant of Berlin, stated in a written deposition that his department had maintained surveillance over the two Spartacus leaders so as "not to allow them to conduct agitational and organizational activities.
In the course of the investigation into this incident, roughly six witnesses stated that a reward in the amount ofmarks had been offered for the murders of Licbknccht and Luxemburg. This prize was promised by Philipp Schcidcmann - a prominent German Social Democrat who was head of the government from February through June ofand his close friend Gcorg Sklarz - a businessman who had become wealthy during the war trading in arms for the German army Sebastian Haffner, Eine Deutsche Revolution Rowohll [n.
The investigation begun in showed that Sklarz, a collaborator of Parvus's, planned the attempt on Licbknccht and Luxemburg, apparently in collusion with Parvus and Schcidcmann, and that Sklarz was to have paid a reward of 50, XX marks for each of the Spartacus leaders sec the Government Archive of the FRG, Rfolder 1The Sklarz Case. It is true that Radck's name is not mentioned in the Sklarz materials, but it surfaces in connection with the January assassinations of Licbknccht and Luxemburg.
Karl Licbknccht's brother Theodore devoted his life to the investigation of these murders. Theodore Licbknccht, a German Social Democrat, came to the conclusion that Karl Radek was definitely involved in the murders. The materials he collected in the course of his investigation perished during a bombing raid on Germany in November of Archives of the International Iastitutc of Social History in Amsterdam, Theodore Licbknccht collection, folder 10, diary notations in German by T.
But inBoris I.
Nicolacvsky, the famous Russian emigre historian and archivist, wrote Theodore Licbknccht a letter asking about Karl Moore, a secret collaborator with the German government among the Social Democrats. Licbknccht dated 15 Decemberin German. In response, Theodore Licbknccht told Nicolacvsky about his conclusions concerning the role of Radek in the deaths of his brother and Rosa Luxemburg. However, there is an allusion to this correspondence in a letter from Nicolaesvsky to a third person.
That meeting never took place, and Theodore felt that Radck had betrayed Karl. In a letter to the Italian socialist A. Balabanova collectionNicolaevsky spelled out what precisely Karl Licbknccht had found out about Radck: They have excelled in their knowledge of how the people have felt and thought at any moment. Their ear at all times has been close to the ground. They have been able to voice at any given time the deepest aspirations of the masses and to point the way for realization of their most basic needs.
Lenin and Stalin have been master mobilizers of the people.
Thus, Stalin was head of the committee that prepared the revolutionary seizure of power in Petrograd; and on the night of October 24, just before the decisive action began, when Lenin arrived in the city, Stalin was assigned personal leadership of the uprising. Time and again during the Revolution these two leaders developed veritable miracles of mass activization and struggle, with few organized resources and in the face of gigantic obstacles.
When this gigantic movement was carried through, the Communist Party which headed it had hardly more thanmembers in a population of , But the Party, clear-headed and capably led, with a sound policy, using practical methods of work, and infused with the tireless and dauntless fighting spirit of Lenin, was able by prodigious effort to reach the masses. It educated them, set them in motion, and led their millions in successful revolutionary struggle against capitalism. Another brilliant example of this supreme ability of Lenin and the Party to mobilize and activize the whole people in struggle was shown in the bitterly fought Civil War.
When the Revolution took place in October,the Russian army, betrayed by its tsarist officers and defeated by the Germans, was rapidly disintegrating and about to fall to pieces. World military experts declared it impossible for the war-weary, starving Russian people to be reorganized to fight against the imperialist intervention, launched by England, France, Japan and the United States.
But the job was done. Stalin, like Lenin, is distinguished by high ability as a mass activizer. When this plan became known internationally, it evoked a chorus of sneers from bourgeois economists and statesmen. These wiseacres pronounced the whole thing fantastic, a mere propaganda stunt.
Many declared it would require, not five, but fifty years to fulfil, because the Soviet government was deeply deficient in capital, industrial experience, engineers and skilled workers. These people especially ridiculed the section of the plan dealing with farm collectivization, and declared that the individualistic peasants could never be organized to carry it out. But the Communist Party, headed by Stalin, was undeterred by this pessimism, by the sabotage of Trotskyites and other wreckers.
It proceeded to a tremendous mobilization and activization of the whole Soviet people. The pessimists said the Plan could not be accomplished in five years; very well, the Party resolved to make it in four. The result is now history, a glorious page in the life of the Russian Revolution.
By superhuman efforts, based upon the education of the masses; by organizing, inspiring, and straining every resource of the people to the limit, the Five-Year Plan was carried through in four and one-quarter years. Huge plants sprang up almost like magic; the farms were collectivized in a vast sweeping movement; multitudes of workers and technicians were rapidly trained.
Never before had the world seen such a swift advance in industry and agriculture, such a tremendous energizing of a vast people. Stalin stood forth as a superlative mass organizer. In the present troubled world the practical political significance of this rapid progress continued under the Second and Third Five-Year Plans is that it made the Soviet Union an invincible fortress of peace in the path of war-makers.
Marxian theory, political strategy, mass organization, and mass activization. The work of these leaders has many lessons for the Communist Party and for the American toiling masses. If we are to profit from them, however, we must not mechanically apply here the methods used by Lenin and Stalin in Russia, but adapt them to the particular needs and special problems of our American movement.
Lenin and Stalin themselves have given the clearest examples of how to apply international Marxism to specifically national conditions.
They have always stressed the need for the Communist Parties of the various lands to know their peoples well; to analyze the national traditions and peculiarities of their countries; and to apply Marxism, not mechanically but specifically, to their native conditions. Let us, therefore, briefly indicate a few of the major applications to our American situation.
First, in the matter of Marxian theory, the leaders of American trade unions, farm organizations, and other mass bodies are, with rare exceptions, extremely weak.
Rise of Joseph Stalin - Wikipedia
There is deep confusion among them as to what is actually happening to capitalism. They do not clearly understand the economic, political and social forces at work undermining the capitalist system; nor do they realize that only socialism can solve the problems that are wrecking the present social order. Their estimation of the relationship of classes is unclear; their conception of the class struggle and the growth of fascism and reaction is superficial. This theoretical weakness hinders the working class from developing the necessary class consciousness; it affects adversely all phases of its strategy, organization and struggle.
The theoretical confusion of trade union and other popular mass leaders is now climaxed in their wrong attitude toward the war. With few exceptions, they are accepting the capitalist contention that Great Britain and France are defending democracy against Hitlerism.
Thus they walk straight into the trap of the imperialist war-makers and try to draw the masses in after them. Reactionaries like Green and Woll, lieutenants of capitalism in the ranks of labor, take a pro-war position as a matter of policy; but there are also many honest mass leaders, especially of the lower categories, who follow the war-makers simply through ignorance and inability to analyze the complex clash of social forces. A wider knowledge of Marxism-Leninism, both among the leadership and the rank and file, is essential to the success of the whole class struggle.
It is a supreme task of the Communist Party to advance this knowledge throughout the broad mass movement. Secondly, in the matter of political strategy, organically related to theoretical understanding, the mass organizations would also do well to absorb some lessons from Lenin and Stalin. Gross weaknesses are evident among them; for example in the lack of any plan for actually building an alliance of workers, farmers, professionals, and small business elements, the movement largely drifting in that direction under pressure of events and with much confusion and lost motion.
Next, there is the bad generalship which causes the workers to approach the crucial elections with a split trade union movement. Then there is confusion in labor and progressive ranks on how to meet the vicious red-baiting campaign of the reactionaries, especially the Dies Committee and its attack upon the Communist Party.
Rise of Joseph Stalin
As he saw it, there was no need for another level of bureaucracy. For him, the Union was a matter of principle, not expediency. Some way had to be found to accommodate rising non-Russian nationalism. Lenin falls from view, but battles from his bed But by the time the Congress was called to order, Lenin disappeared from sight.
The year-old leader of the Bolsheviks, who had fought tooth and nail for the creation of the Union, stayed put in his Kremlin apartment, a short walk from the Bolshoi Theatre, where the Congress was holding its sessions.
Eight days earlier, on December 12, he had suffered a major stroke and lost control of his right hand and leg.
Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin and the Left Opposition in the USSR, - Persée
Although Stalin and many of his supporters, such as Ordzhonikidze and Dzerzhinsky, were non-Russians Stalin and Ordzonikidze hailed originally from Georgia, Dzerzhinsky from PolandLenin accused them of Russian chauvinism. But the stroke prevented him from taking any decisive steps against them. But they also served a political purpose. Barred from attending the congress and not trusting Stalin to fully implement his line, the paralyzed Lenin resolved to dictate his thoughts on the nationality question in a document to be passed on to the party leadership.
Lenin was prepared to replace the Union he had originally proposed with a looser association in which the centralized powers might be limited to defense and international relations alone. Stalin visiting Lenin in Gorky in Lenin, who was in semi-retirement after suffering his second stroke, died the following year, making way for Stalin to succeed him as leader of the Soviet Union.
As Stalin presses his advantage, Lenin dies Stalin did his best to isolate Lenin from the rest of the leadership and keep his last letters secret. When Lenin heard of it, he became furious and demanded an apology.