Master and servant relationship definition of single

Master and Servant Law Law and Legal Definition | USLegal, Inc.

master and servant relationship definition of single

"Master and Servant" is Depeche Mode's eleventh UK single (released on 20 August ) and the second single from the Some Great Reward album. Its subject matter is BDSM relationships, which caused some controversy. Hay, C. Douglas, "Master and Servant in England: Using the Law in the 18th and 19th Centuries" (). servant' was very wide, but shifting over time in both definition . Steinfold, The Invention of Free Labor: Tlze Employment Relation in English and . i a 'single justice' over a period of five years, a high level of activ-. STOR Master-Servant Relationship in a Cross-Cultural Isit a'bridgingoccupation' [Smith ], providing a means of acculturation and .. Palmer and Young report that domestics were envisioned as single women, young.

European social partnership brought unions into the equation but is now under house arrest. As we have seen above, many workers want this — or steps in this direction. We stand on the brink of a technological revolution that will fundamentally alter the way we live, work, and relate to one another.

The Second used electric power to create mass production. The Third used electronics and information technology to automate production. Now a Fourth Industrial Revolution is building on the Third, the digital revolution that has been occurring since the middle of the last century. It is characterized by a fusion of technologies that is blurring the lines between the physical, digital, and biological spheres.

Think Uber and Airbnb. But as a complement to the best parts of human nature—creativity, empathy, stewardship—it can also lift humanity into a new collective and moral consciousness based on a shared sense of destiny. It is incumbent on us all to make sure the latter prevails.

After all it is they, not their financial backers, who come up with the new technologies. Firstly, if you shared the idea with your colleagues there would be not be a legal entity in the background who was entitled to expropriate it.

Perhaps more importantly, for the rest of us: Now why on Earth would I think that? They cannot all do the same thing because if they do, the shared resource ie the common land will become insufficient. Only the greedy herder will have benefited along the way. But the nett result is that we all step a little closer to the brink. So what has all this got to do with that killer app you developed a few paragraphs above? This is not wishful thinking, it is common garden altruism.

Hayek thought it was an outmoded tradition; Friedman thought it was irrational[36]. If so, stop for a moment to consider another vestigial fragment of English common law: Suffragist Elizabeth Cady Stanton summed it up rather neatly with the expression: Wives could not testify against their husbands in court.

The change we have seen over the past three decades is phenomenal. In fact, Margaret Thatcher once famously proclaimed that there was no such thing as society at all. Compare Google with AltaVista remember them? Compare US airlines American and Southwest. In fact, it would be rather odd if this were not the case.

Engaged employees lift performance as the graph from Gallup shows above and worker-friendly management practices produce competitive advantage.

Few would argue against this, but that does not mean we are all seeking the same rational solution. There is a difference between trying to create a better master-servant relationship cf benevolent dictatorship and trying to overthrow such a relationship altogether.

Is this just a matter of degree? Are we talking reform or revolution? After all, the words reform, democracy and revolution have all been interpreted in so many different ways. The illusion that there is such a fixed form has often led to rigid, unworkable systems. At what stage does compromise become a sell out? Their social audit questioned whether the company was: The story led the New York Times to conclude: As long as the master-servant relationship remains intact, concessions to the public good can be taken away just as easily as they are granted.

Consider the pressures that arise when a company suddenly enters the globalized marketplace. Crossing the Post-Industrial Divide[40] draws two fundamental his lessons from years of hands-on experience. Secondly, some issues go beyond improving union-management relations and organizational structures.

It can and does happen. The results speak for themselves. However, as long as the master-servant relationship remains in place, democratization can stall or go into reverse. He argues that a truly democratic workplace is impossible under the current economic rules: He may be right, however the argument smacks of the old reform vs revolution debate.

Given sufficient push, it would seem inevitable that it would. How often have we seen economics rewiring politics, and vice versa. Perhaps an end to the master-servant relationship might lead to the democratization of economics itself?

In economist-speak, externalities means the commons. This is as true for investors today as it was in another age for feudal aristocrats. Some of these experiments are worthy of critical! There are other pockets of resistance we need to consider. Quantitative surveying by Professor of Sociology Ed Collom has identified cross-class support for workplace democracy, but there were interesting differences within classes.

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Public service workers were supportive, as were professional and technical workers; their managers and supervisors not so much [43]. But again, things are not so simple. Who are the masters, and on whose behalf are they exercising control? They have been given a free hand, so long as they can keep short term gains rolling in. Women who have been domestics do not want to admit to working a low-status job [Smith I This again contributes to the information problem [See also Radcliffe I Related to all these reasons is the fact that domestic work is considered the woman's domain" where unfortunately little has changed.

The New Statesman 'A Clean Conscience', March 10, commenting on the failure of feminism to bring about alternate life-styles with shorter working hours and shared work in the home, notes that part of the fai lure is that "women continue to be held responsible for household maintenance, theirown lives, theirchildren's and that of their companions". The labour of working class women continues to enrich and free the lives of women above them. It has become invisible as other'women's problems'have.

The midlh century was a crucial period in the history of the west in the development of the notion of 'the separation of spheres' and the confinement of women, ideologically if not for all women in practice, to the 'privaic' sphere of the suburbs and the home [Davidoff and Hail In keeping with this, authors of the 19th century etiquette advised their readers to avoid the subject of servants in conversation as not only being boring, but loo blatant an effort to advertise the face of command [Duddcn MacMillan sympathises with the lot of the English housewife in an alien land rather than with the servant under alien rule: Attempts at bringing it into the public debate continue to be attacked.

One woman interviewed by The New Statesman objected to enquiries about housework, who did it and what feminism had to say about it on the grounds that questioning feminism's stance on housework is itself anti-feminist. While it is clear that the issue of housework and employing domestic servants to do it cannot remain the responsibility of women if feminism is to gain ground, and feminists are unwilling to talk about domestic service in the context of women's work, an unwillingness to discuss the matter has resulted in the tie facto support of the more conservative ideology which maintains that domestic service is a 'women's problem', and one not to be made public.

Low Stai us The domestic worker automatically has low staius in a society whose definitions of class rely on occupational classification [Mohammed The work is assigned a low rank because it is associated with women, does not call for any particular oridentifiable skills, isconsidered drudgery" involves cleaning which is influenced by ideas of purity and pollution and isassociated with preindustrial rather than the 'modern' sector since it takes place in the household and can be carried out with little aid from machinery [Cock The association of domestic service with prostitution and with destitute women and children has withstood time and industrialisation, and appears to have no geographical or cultural boundaries.

While a large percentage of destitute women and prostitutes were domestic servants in London in the s ITellis-Nayak Shellee Cohen and Rollins both emphasise the stigma attached rq servitude deriving from the work as well as from association with the social groups which dominate the occupation. Performing this work reinforces low status among groups who are accorded low status in an ideological context that turns difference from those in power into inferiority.

For example, in Boston in Rollins notes that when blacks and immigrant women are employed as domestic servants, class prejudices, ethnic prejudices and the degradation of menial labour interplay to strengthen anti-servitude sentiments. Notions of purity and pollution influence what tasks can be assigned to whom. High casie servants often refused to perform tasks which they considered defiling, much to the annoyance of their British mistresses.

The lowest status work had to do with cleaning sweeping, laundering clothes, taking out the garbagethe dirt created by another. Poorer brahmins who might have worked as cooks in the households of the higher Hindu castes, did not opt for cooking in European homes because much of the food that was cooked was polluting to them. Sweepers hailed mostly from the lower castes but "even sweepers had their limits, they would not touch dead animals. For that a still lower grade of untouchables had to be employed" [Macmillan I It may be noted in this context that the practiceof keeping servants was not confined to the British or other foreigners only.

Master and Servant - Wikipedia

Upper class and upper caste Indians did keep - and continue to keep - servants. Affluent landowners in rural areas, and rich and middle-class families in urban areas, regularly employed - and employ - servants.

In rural areas domestic service was frequently an aspect of debt-bondage to the master. Debt- bondage was also characteristic of odier parts of India. In the Tehri-Garhwal region of'Uttar Pradesh a poor man who got married, occasionally pledged his wife to work in his master's household, and also serve as his mistress till the debt was cleared Galey In such cases the servant could hail from the master's caste or a low one.

This was also true of south Karnataka Srinivas Domestic service in the house of a lower caste person may lower the status of the high caste servant but that need noi always happen depending on the kind of service performed. Thus brahmins may work as cooks in the homes of rich kshalriyas and vaishyas in north India without experiencing loss of caste. Cooking is often a traditional occupation of brahmins, and also', the conditions of work are such that the purity of the brahmin is protected, in fact, in the caste context, it is in the interests of the employer to protect the purity of the cook.

It must be pointed out that in India today domestic service is status-enhancing for some lower castes in comparison to the alternative occupations open to them.

master and servant relationship definition of single

For instance, a recent study of women domestic servants in Delhi reveals that the employees regarded their work as status-enhancing, and listed as reasons, clean working conditions, convenient working hours, and association with their middle or upper class mistresses. It is interesting to note that although caste- is on he decline in urban centres such as Delhi, the domestic servants who were interviewed belonged to the lower castes while their employers hailed from middle or high castes Dasgupta 19X4].

Even in the U. In her study of Japanese-American women, Glenn reports that the women she interviewed did not consider domestic work particularly degrading and some even preferred it to other work. The reasons given by her respondents were that it was flexible, that it permitted greater autonomy as it did not involve being closely monitored like factory-work and was therefore more 'dignified'. Another advantage was that it could be hidden form of labour: Many women cherished the opportunity to work at all.

The clue to understanding the above situation is provided by Davidolf when she emphasises that "the context and meaning of domestic work are culturally defined and culturally variable" The combination of a strong work ethic and the cultural acceptability of housework and part- time work for women in Japanese society may have drawn these women to domestic service and given them the cultural legitimation to remain in it [Glenn According to Kondo For Japanese women, work outside the home becomes an index of commitment to the 'uchi' or household unit.

Given that the 'professional housewife' is a desirable model Kondo Both Kondo and Glenn mention the following characteristics of the work in which Japanese women were likely to be found: Therefore, even when white-collar jobs were available in the US, Japanese women were opting for domestic jobs. S Glenn attributes this to the extremely exploitative nature of white-coliar work.

Another powerful factor in pushing women into domestic service is the work ethic, which stems from the Meiji- era. Most post-retirement domestics in Glenn's study denied overwhelming financial need. They said they liked to work and il they stayed at home "it is not good for me". They associated being idle with depression and thoughts of 'the bad old days' Glenn Work proved to be a way to forget the problems of the past.

In the US in there were more than one million private household workers of whom nearly 97 per cent were women. More than half of all private household workers were black women, and they tended to be older women Katzman The Economist The Servant Problem.

Dominant images have consistently depicted servants as women without independent lives or interests. Palmer and Young report that domestics were envisioned as single women, young or old. They are more often women whose family life has been disrupted by poverty and migration.

In her sample 78 per cent had been married but only 48 percent were still married whileolhcrs were widowed, divorced or deserted. This description appears to tit over space and lime: In Lima, between nearly two-thirds of the economically active female migrants worked as domestics while in the numbers had increased and women made up 85 per cent of the 1.

Economic and Political Weekly February 4, Rollins Recent trends as revealed by the Indian census point to the rapid fcminisalion of domestic service. The Census enumerated 6, In women formed more than 50 per cent of domestic servants as compared to Further, the number of male domestic servants declined over the Census from 4. But femihisation of domestic service hasoccurred mainly in urban areas. Incidentally, the growth of domestic labour force is associated with rapid urbanisation occurring in the country.

Thus while in ] about 63 per cent of domestic labour was urban, in the proportion was more than 68 per cent. It provides immigrants from distant rural areas valuable and protected entry into urbari life, a base from which they can explore the mysterious urban world, and the opportunities it affords them. Its anonymity enables them to perform, for wages, tasks which they would regard demeaning and unworthy of men in their own homes.

The traditional notions of purdah, and impurity attached to women during menstruation and childbirth, worked against women being employed as cooks [Mehta Ieven though in their own homes they are solely responsible for preparing the family meal. Male cooks are also among the highest paid among servants in India.

The growing teminisation of domestic work, however, points to the loosening hold of the traditional ideas of purtty and impurity in urban Indian society. In Zambia, a preference for male servants and a concomitant reluctance to employ women persists. From the literature what emerges as an almost required characteristic forthc potential domestic worker is a certain vulnerability which makes possible an exploitative relationship based on dependence.

This vulnerability arises out of a combination of what are disadvantages in the urban labour pool: Simply being considered'alien' lsenoughto increase this sense of vulnerability. As Cohen reports of West Indian domestic workers in New York, being at the mercy of those who are responsible for getting workers a 'green card' makes for a situation where the domestic feels helpless and victimised.

This may explain why many women who work as domestics in the US have held higher status positions in their own countries Nakano Glenn's interviewees would not think of doing the work of maids in Japan.

CJ Ideologies of subordination based on gender and race play a crucial role in the dynamics of the master - or mistress-servant relationship and in the creation of vulnerability. Often there is ideological domination, especially where colonialism plays an important role. Glenn emphasises this vulnerability when she writes that domestic service was left open to those lowest on the status hierarchy and those most recently arrived in the city.

In industrialising and industrialised societ- ies, domestic service seems to be the spe- ciality of groups that are not integrated into the industrialising sectors of the economy [Glenn Domestic Servici; and Economic Di-: Those who have studied the institution within the framework of the modernisation thesis lend to see it as an indicator of the level of development and industrialisation and as a 'useful measure of development " This conceptualisation has relegated domestic service as one of the problems of an underdeveloped economy.

This approach has been criticised fairly thoroughly. Contrary to prognoses [BoserupCoserthe pracliceof employing domestic workers does not appear to be fading as a result of economic development and industrialisation,21 instead the industrialisation process has been given as one of the causes for the prevalence of servanthood [Taussig and Rubbo Empirically, it fails to explain the continued incidence, some may say increase, of domestic workers in Los Angeles.

New York and London, for example. The sectoral shifts from manufacturing to service industries, and new immigration have produced both skilled as well as unskilled workers who are channelled into domestic service. With greater numbers of middle- class women entering the labour force, there is certainly no downward trend on thedemand side, even with increasing numbers of household gadgets on the market. Attempts to explain the presence of female' live-in servants as a social institution which is dependent on the level of unemployment with high unemployment leading to greater numbers of women in servitudehas been dismissed as 'economic fatalism' [Taussig and Rubbo The argument is that if unemployed women are able to find work as domestic servants, it is evidence of the need for the occupation in the society and cannot be attributed to unemployment.

Though domestic service seems to have maintained its status quo if not increased, rathcrthan disappeared with industrialisation, it is not the wealthiest countries which have the highest servant ratios but those with the largest income differentials. Curiously, arguments have been made which account for the expansion of domestic service both during periods of economic growth [Hojman Rollins's andGlenn's works suggest that formulating an indicator based on economic measures may not be meaningful where servanthood is concerned.

Rather than a 'development index', which implies a quantitative measure, a high servant-to-employer ratio as an indicator of the degree of social inequality seems closer to the experience of both third world and industrial nations. Here 'social inequality' is more loosely defined by Cock, Rollins, Hansen, Glenn and others since it is so finely meshed with issues of race, culture and the creation of dominant ideologies.

This is not to say there have not been any qualitative changes within domestic service. In the US in the earlier part of the century a major change occurred when domestic servants started living out [DuddenRollins ]. Where a trend may be emerging is in the separation of childcare from house-cleaning together with an increasing professionalisation of the service,21 though the extent of such professionalisation is questionable.

In both areas demand does not appea;to be flagging. According to Hansen Also inthe franchises in professional house-cleaning and maid services were described as some of the fastest-growing businesses, overtaking fast food which used to hold the lead. The story is similar in Britain where nursery training colleges can assure their graduates better opportunities now.

Romero elaborates the strategies employed by women domestic workers to gain control over what is a very undefined and contextual work relationship. She demonstrates that professionalisation of employer-worker relations and standardisation of tasks are central to the ways in which Chicanodomestic workers attempt to prevent exploitation.

master and servant relationship definition of single

However, from Rullins's study it is not clear to what extent such strategies are successful. The women she interviewed had negative responses about cleaning services which they saw as expensive, impersonal and rigid, and expressed a preference for the relationship they could build with an individual.

In middle-class and upper- middle-class homes, black or immigrant women are the preferred work group for house-cleaning, and white women lor childcare Rollins It is pertinent to remark here that in India industrialisation is responsible for introducing important changes in the institution of the domestic servant.

For instance, in the bigger Indian cities the Iiving- in servant is being replaced by part-time, visiting servants. Such servants perform specific tasks in the household, and they usually work for several employers. Employers find the living-in servant has to be fed and looked after and his or her inroads into their privacy tolerated. Further, reports in newspapers of physical attacks by living-in servants on their elderly employers have acted as a deterrent to employing them.

It grew out of the modernisation thesis and its supporters. ChaplinCoserDavidoff and McBride to name a few. Chaplin, the major proponent of the upward mobility thesis, writes. This period was comparable to the situation in currently developing countries".

He quotes Broom and Smith who, based on studies in England, view domestic service as the principal 'bridging occupation' [Chaplin I McBride's study of 19th century France indicates that domestic service was one of the most important means by which the rural poor effected the transition lo urban life. It was a transitional stage "both in the lives of individual servants and in the process of modernisation of the society. At the individual level, some servants benefited from this important stage by gaining occupational ski lis and accumulating a dowry or working capital.

Mobility within the domestic hierarchy was also possible, promotions from scullery maid to chamber maid to lady's maid for instance, or from boot-black boy to footman.

McBride's study supports Davidoff s thesis that women used domestic service as a means to make better marriages. Records at Versailles lor example, reveal that per cent of female servants married men of higher status than their own.

Women who had been 'socialised' through servitude were considered better prepared for marriage and therefore made better marriages. Rndcliffe observes that the assimilation of domestics into middleand uppcr-middleclass households, even while it is 'partial and contradictory', follows a pattern of cultural incorporation. But she thinks that complete incorporation of rural migrants is impossible from her study of domestic workers in Peru.

Studies of India and parts of Africa point to the significance of the servant's role, of master- or mistress-servant relations in the larger context of the dominance of one racial and national population by another.

In India, even before Mughal, then British rule, caste divisions had established patterns of dominance, and patron-client relationships existed which only became more layered and complicated with time [Tellis-Nayak According to Rollins A small number use their skills to move on to semi-skilled joiis outside the home or to marginally higher-paying domestic ones, but in genera], servants do not move out of their class and cluture At times their marriage prospects may be adversely affected in a traditional society.

Women who have worked in middle- class homes may want greater autonomy than they would have had before leaving their villages. They may begin to want different things - a life-style similar lo that of their employers.

This is also seen in the skills learned in African homes [Cock The highly elaborate meals which developed in colonial households served the purpose of status display of which the servant was a part [MacMillan ].

Smith questions the mobility thesis based on Peruvian material. At rrfost, Peruvian servitude helps the servant to get a belter job within the servant realm. A servant has little, if any hope of emerging from the lower class: In sum, none of the non-western studies supports the'i.

master and servant relationship definition of single

This vicious cycle leads one to suspeel that domestic work may include a degree of ascription in a quasi-caste status" But upward mobility is difficult to identify and measure. Women who have moved out of servitude may not want to admit to ever having been in a desperate enough situation to warrant going into it.

Additionally, it is difficult to trace such movements of individuals, geographically as well as socially, since their networks may change. One way out of this problem would be to observe two or more generations in a family. This is an area which has not received a great deal of attention in the literature. Those who have addressed this question seem to have been more successful in proceeding with methods of negation in trying to conceptualise what has been referred to as a relation full of ambiguities and contradictions.

The tensions arising from these ambiguities are played out and recreated through a complex process of conflict and accommodation that characterises the mistress-servant relationship and which are closely related to the class and ethnic background of specific social actors.

As acategory it is an in-between. Radcliffe reports that the very term used to address the servant which is, cholo', refers to a person who has left his peasant origins but it is yet not integrated into modern society and culture.

Aubert addresses this in- betweenness when he writes that the role of the housemaid "wavers between the occupational models of gemeinschaft and gesellschaft". Their case exemplifies the linkage of domestic and collective institutions that are bonded by an ideology of paternalism and dependency. The essence of their position is that they are part of a household which includes more than kin Cock j. It is an effective form of marginalisation where the servant though crucial to the patron's family as well as to society's maintenance, is retained as a marginal member of the social totality [Young Another way in which the domestic servant is placed in a marginal position is that a good part of his or her real income is provided in kind.

Master and Servant Law Law and Legal Definition

Instead of being able to engage in the essence of modern social order, she participates only indirectly through her master's household. The token wage received is akin to pocket money [Cock It is the ideology of the family with its stress on the commitment of close kin, as well as on duty and devotion within the protected boundaries, which conceals and helps to bring about the marginal position the domestic servant occupies in the private sphere [Young The idiom of the family as inclusive, just as a 'natural' age- based division of labour and power, serves to structure a relationship of inequality indeed, of exploitation - one powerfully legitimised by the church and the state.

Young women pass from the paternalism of their own familiar environment to the paternalism of the new working environment [Young Family ideology and paternalism lias made possible a subordination of a more personal and pervasive kind.

Unlike an enterprise where the subordinate may defer to the technical expertise of the superior, the domestic worker's deference is to paternalistic status. Since the identity of a servant was a lasting quality ascribed to a person irrespective of his or her choice like castethe relationship to the master or mistress was one based primarily on status and not on contract [Aubert In addition, different types of domestic work require different qualities: Rollins in disagreeing with the finer points of Chaplin's argument, supports the larger argument he makes.

She notes that personal qualities considered negative otherwise may be looked upon favourably where the relationship involves racial difference. Among her interviewees many remarked that they received better treatment if they dressed poorly and appeared excessively deferential.

Rollins herself experienced hostility from employers when she did not assume the demeanour of a grateful subordinate, which included a carefully constructed 'down at heel' appearance. Tbi s personalism is expressed in the qualities considered desirable by the employer, such as humility, lowliness, meekness and gentleness, tearfulness, respectfulness, loyalty and good temper [Davidoff Taussig and Rubbo One is associated with the dependence on the mistresses' mood changes, itself a result of the highly personalistic quality that runs through the definition of the servant's tasks in a stable, long-term arrangement.

Secondly, there is the capriciousness which lies in the contradiction of being an unstably employed but personally involved employee, without any or most of the security that the traditional servant was promised. Practically, unlimited duty toobey the master is another indication that the relationship is functionally diffuse.

The particularistic pattern has made it impossible to legitimate a defence of the private sphere by the claim that the job is done according to generally accepted, objective standards of occupational performance. Another dimension of the personalised relationship between master and servant is intimacy. This is highlighted by Srinivas He was being treated as a member of the master's lineage. But the nature of master mistress -servant relationship is undergoing radical change in India under the pressures of urbanisation and industrialisation.

A common complaint of middle class housewives in India is that they are unable to get any longer reliable and efficient servants let alone loyal and honest ones.

Servant as Status Symbol The servant as deference-giver provided another service - that of status symbol - which set servitude somewhat apart from other occupations. The function of the domestic as status-giver and the use of the servant role to reinforce the superior status of the employer and to create her identity in opposition to that of the servant's, are important ways in which social hierarchy is maintained. The role of servant as status Economic and Political Weekly February 4, symbol goes back at least to the Roman empire where according to records, some slaves performed no work, but functioned solely to attest to their owner's status and worth In industrialising England and France, lackeys, coachmen and footmen, often hired for their looks and dressed in ostentatious costumes, functioned solely to impress others.

For the employer to be able to "waste' well-built male servants was seen as evidence of his extreme wealth [Douglas and Isherwood ; Veblen ]. Leonorc Davidoff who has explored the servant's role as 'deference-giver' and the formation of 'deference-occupations' in some depth, remarks that employing servants is the surest way of establishing social superiority. The activil ies ot such households were dominated by the concern with social placement and social closure which led to 'agreat upsurge in display of material objects' as well as "elaborated rituals of etiquette' Rituals are known to become easily an end in themselves without awareness of the symbolic or mystical properties of the actors.

The master/servant relationship: a mediæval horror romance | New Unionism Network blog

This elaboration of ritual takes on the features of a dramatic performance, when the occasion is a ceremonial pertormance such as a dinner party, private ball or houseparty.

According to Chaplin In the colonial household, servitude assumed many of the features of the relationship between the ruler and the ruled [Hansen In South Africa servants provided a crucial behavioural validation of apartheid,29 while to the Mughals, and then the British in India, servants were seen as necessary for the prestige of the empire.

Margaret MacMillan's narrative provides some penetrating insights into the kind of everyday situations which arise in a traditional caste society during colonial rule. She writes that among other things that the British had "picked up' from India was that the number of servants was a measure of status.

Whether the British did indeed get this idea from India or whether it was something they came to India with, can be argued but the point is that since the servants thought so as well, employers were under considerable pressure to hire more every time the master got a promotion In their preoccupation with upholding the status of the empire, the British were continuously making comparisons between theempire and the household, which became asymbolic microcosm, lfservants were badly trained, it reflected on their master's ability to rule the country.

British housewives were therefore expected to supervise their servants much as their husbands supervised their troops,"' and housekeeping resembled a battle more than it did anything else. Guides to housekeeping sounded, more like military manuals Servants were to be treated with firmness and constant vigilance.

The Complete Indian Housekeeper and Cook stated that "an untidy mistress invariably had untidy, idle servants". I f a mcmsahib lost control of her household, it was for the same reasons that the British might one day lose control of I ndi a.

Servants became a necessary burden to the young housewife who was constantly judged by how well her household staff performed, to create the stately atmosphere that was expected of those in command. At the lowest levels of British society, even the wives of ordinary soldiers or men who worked on the railways, had a servant or two. The presence of a large retinue of servants made it easy to be formal while the need to uphold the dignity of the Raj made it desirable [ MacMillan Rollin's work addresses this aspect of domestic service quite extensively.

She concentrates on questions relating to the creation and maintenance of hierarchy and distance as well as the importance of construction of di ffcrence [See also Radcliffe I and its role in the formation of the employer's identity.

Hansen explains that a critical component of the relationship was the construction of the servant as different, to the extent that "Servants and employers became each other's other" This is cited as one of the main reasons for the extra- ordinary lensioiiN and conflicts inherent in the interaction [Rollins ].